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What is and who influences the technical commission that will study (rather than investigate) the violence of the Transition?

Date: October 2, 2022 Time: 19:19:32

One of the most important innovations included in the new law of memoryexpected to receive final congressional approval next Thursday is to establish a technical commission tasked with “preparing a study” rather than investigating the violence that took place during the Transition. In particular, since the entry into force Constitutionin 1978, until December 31, 1983, when the government Philip Gonzalez It’s been filmed for a year now.

“The government will appoint a technical commission within a year to prepare a study on cases of human rights violations in people for their fight to strengthen democracy, fundamental rights and democratic values ​​between the entry into force of the 1978 Constitution and December 31, 1983, indicating a possible methods of recognition and recovery“.

This excerpt corresponds to the new sixteenth additional provision included in Law of Democratic Memory following an agreement between PSOE, United We Can, EH Bildu and More Country. The wording of the amendment, despite its brevity and criticism from the right (they reduce the measure to a kind of praise for the members of ETA) opens a window of opportunity for eviscerating such a dubious account of the Transition.

This is how EH Bildu defended him through his congressional representative, Merche Aizpuruapointing out that with this committee begins the path to “some kind of redress of suffering” and “this different categorization of victims”, including in relation to the cause of the young Basques. Joxean Lasa D Joxie Zabalatortured, killed and buried in GAL quicklime in autumn 1983.

Commission not yet determined

Apart from what is stated in the standard, few details are known about this commission. Government sources emphasize that this change does not in any way entail an extension of the pre-1978 law. As for the organ, these same sources emphasize that it will be educational in nature, will consist of historians and specialists, and will serve only identify these victims. The parameters for distinguishing between them have yet to be determined, although this will not be relevant to the investigation, they qualify.

“The purpose of the commission is to consider aspects for the restoration of situations that led to consequences that should never have happened,” the Socialist representative in Congress added last Tuesday. Hector Gomez.

Therefore, it is not known who will join the commission, how long the work will last, and which people out of the hundreds killed by the Francoist apparatus during this period of modern history will become the subject of study. In eyes Hyacinth Laralawyer representing the interests of the victims of Francoism in the famous Argentine Complaint, the wording is “so general and vague” that there is a risk that the organ will be neglected. It is, “at best, the victims are established,” although “the profiles of people who may come up and take place there are also not known, so there may be many or few of them,” the statement said. average.

Lara, one of the architects of the charge Villa Rodolfo Martin in Argentina (although his charge was dropped, the case is pending before the investigating judge Maria Servini to delve into his investigation), highlights two case histories included in the criminal case and corresponding to the period set within the commission.

One of them is the assassination by the Armed Police Herman Rodriguez during the Sanfermines festivities in Pamplona on July 8, 1978, which made it possible to extend the period of time to which the Argentine complaint was originally limited (until June 1977) to events that occurred later. Another case is Gustavo Munoza young 16-year-old activist killed by a National Police agent in Barcelona during a 1978 dyad demonstration.

On the retina murder Yolanda Gonzalezelectronics student and member of the Socialist Workers’ Party, aged 16 by two members of Fuerza Nueva in February 1980. In the same year, another example of violence inherited from Francoism was Arturo Pajuelokilled by a far-right group while returning home from a Labor Day demonstration.

Nearly 600 deaths from political violence

In addition to these examples, there are many others in the shadows, waiting to be revealed and therefore not yet found justice. In the absence of official data, the journalist Mariano Sanchez documented in his book “Bloody Crossing (Peninsula)” 591 deaths from political violence encrypted between 1975 and 1983.

“Despite the approval of the Constitution, people were shot for no reason,” Sanchez told the publication in reference to the political violence during the process. Most of these murders were committed State security forces themselves and far-right groups related to this. This connection between the ultra-right and information services of the Franco regime, first, and after the death of Franco, with active officials of the apparatus is known as “black conspiracies”.

“Among the victims of this whole process are young people who had the misfortune to face fascist paratroopers, civil guards, neo-fascist groups,” he adds, referring to this violence committed with impunity to “create terror.” and hinder democratic progress.” “During the Transition, the names of the institutions changed, but the people who worked and ordered from them remained the same,” emphasizes Mariano Sánchez Soler.

historian Sophiebaby calculated in his essay “The Myth of Peaceful Transition: Violence and Politics in Spain” (edited by Akal) 714 dead between 1975 and 1982. And although most of them were committed by the terrorist group ETA, almost 200 were in the hands of the forces and organs of state security.

Likewise, both Sophie Baby in an interview with CTXT in 2018 and Mariano Sanchez agree that as of 1983 (the deadline set by the technical commission), there was a paradigm shift with the arrival of the PSOE Felipe González in Moncloa as the violence subsided . from the implementation by the successor state of the regime to the organization of its sewerage. “What marks a change in the timing and methodology of violence is the GAL,” Sanchez concludes.

anonymous victims

Within this violence set in transition, the historian David Ballester emphasizes that not all of these police abuses were politically motivated. “Police repression was so arbitrary that it affected not only people with a certain ideology. In general, they affected anonymous citizens,” he says in a statement to Público.

In his book Other Victims: Police Violence in the Transition (1975-1982) published by Presses of Zaragoza University, the historian documents “with first and last names”. 134 murders during this periodof which 91 occurred in non-political and trade union contexts, such as attempts at identification or bar discussions.

Similarly, in Ballester’s assessment, during the Transition, “the police killed a citizen by mistake every 20 days for seven years.” And within these episodes described as a “light trigger”, remember Almería case: when three young people who were traveling from Santander to Almeria for the first communion of a family member were tortured and burned to death by the Guardia Civil in 1981 when they were mistaken for ETA members.

For this reason, it looks ugly that if the commission of experts “limits its work to the defenders of democracy, we left a lot of people in the inkwell“. In this sense, he asks that this consideration be done under the prism become a victim of institutional violence. “For me, this is not state terrorism, but institutional violence,” he explains.

Expand the temporal scope of the law

Another statement of the memorial group is related to extension of the temporal scope of the law (from the coup d’état on July 18, 1936 to the entry into force of the Constitution of 1978) with the aim of covering the new rule of all those victims who can be identified by the expert commission.

Rosa Maria Garcia She was arrested at the end of August 1975 by a student association soldier belonging to the FRAP. She was first tortured in the former General Directorate of Security located in Madrid. solar gateand then spent about four months in Yeserias prison. After the death of the dictator, he was released on parole with a bail of 30,000 euros.

In this sense, as “resisting and victim of Francoism”, he demands that both periods be united “in the right way”. Therefore, he questions the creation of this commission: “Will it mean something? Will it be a toast to the sun?



Source: www.publico.es

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